Disturbing reports have surfaced of Chinese students travelling to the United States being subjected to discriminatory and politically motivated treatment. Young students have been pulled aside for hours of questioning, even denied entry under the pretext of national security.

While the US has implemented stricter border controls and immigration policies, Chinese students have nothing to do with illegal immigration. They are genuine assets to both countries – not national security risks.

As the Chinese saying goes, the falling of one leaf heralds the coming of autumn. What is worrying is not only the dramatic shift from welcome to denial, but also the US perception that China is the enemy. It is alarming how American politics is fuelling this antagonism.

A wave of US media commentary warns that the US is on the brink of making China – rather than America – great again, diagnosing the chaos within the US government as a geopolitical gift to China. Whether criticising US President Donald Trump’s restrictive immigration policies, interference in education, tariff-driven inflation, destabilisation of the US dollar or the “Big Beautiful Bill” that sidelines clean energy, China is often cast as a bogeyman.

The real story, however, has little to do with Beijing. These are fundamentally critiques of American domestic policy failures, yet the message is clear: Trump’s policies don’t just harm America – they help China. This sleight of hand avoids confronting a more uncomfortable truth: America’s deepest problems are home-grown.

The “Make America Great Again” movement that catapulted Trump to power is more than a political slogan. It is a symptom of long-festering dissatisfaction. At its core, the Maga movement reflects nostalgia for a bygone era of US global leadership, economic prosperity and cultural integration of immigrants. Its demands – economic protectionism, strict immigration controls and a return to “traditional values” – resonate with many Americans who felt left behind by globalisation and rapid social change.

But the grievances did not originate in Beijing or Shanghai. They are the legacy of decades of neoliberal economic policy. Since the 1990s, both Democratic and Republican administrations have embraced deregulation, privatisation and unfettered free markets.

The result? The collapse of American manufacturing, the rise of the gig economy, deepening class stratification and a hollowed-out middle class. The neoliberal consensus also enabled an elite-dominated distribution system, allowing a tiny fraction of the population to capture the bulk of globalisation’s gains.

Maga emerged as a populist revolt. It is not merely a right-wing phenomenon – it represents a deep rejection of established politics and economics. Its animating force is the desire to redistribute power and wealth within the US, not to challenge China per se.

Yet many critiques of Trump’s Maga-era policies – particularly from liberal and centrist commentators – frame their arguments using a China-centric lens. When they warn clean energy cuts will let China lead in artificial intelligence or that budget reductions will surrender soft power to Beijing, the subtext is often political. Rather than laying the blame for America’s predicament on neoliberalism and other mistaken policies, they invoke the spectre of China.

This rhetorical manoeuvre is problematic for several reasons. First, it reinforces a false binary: that every US misstep is a Chinese gain, and vice versa. Second, it inflates China’s role in what are fundamentally domestic crises – failing infrastructure, weak education and declining social cohesion. Third, it risks turning China into a bogeyman, fostering fear rather than honest policy debate.

The more the US frames China as an inevitable adversary, the more likely it is to generate the very hostility it fears. Phrases like “Make China Great Again” become conceptual traps that harden perceptions, narrow policy options and erode diplomatic space.

Both China and the US face internal and external challenges. Who succeeds in the long run will depend on which system proves more responsive, resilient and equitable. External influences are not the decisive factor.

China’s development, for all its imperfections, has contributed meaningfully to global progress. It has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty, expanded literacy and extended life expectancy. Chinese factories have helped suppress global inflation, making everyday goods more affordable. Far from threatening the US, China’s growth has helped anchor global markets from which American companies and consumers benefit.

To argue that China’s development inherently undermines America’s future is to misdiagnose the problem and mislead the public. The real danger is not that China becomes great again, but that US policymakers and commentators fail to confront the causes of America’s problems honestly and courageously.

This requires reforming the broken social contract, revitalising democratic institutions, addressing inequality, developing the economy and investing in education. Otherwise, no amount of geopolitical scapegoating can reverse the reality of America’s decline.

Source: SCMP

Author: Chen Zheng